In a 30 August encounter with France\u2019s top business association, President Patrice Talon of Benin signaled clear reservations about democratic norms and values. Moving away from the classic pretence of politicians, he told his audience he had no intention to \u201cuphold democratic expression\u201d as this could \u201clead to anarchy\u201d, and described \u201cauthoritarian measures\u201d as \u201cnecessary\u201d to ensure the country\u2019s economic development.<\/p>\n
These statements have raised alarm in Benin, a country once considered a model of democratic transition in West Africa. They resonate with long-standing concerns over democratic backsliding, consistently voiced by the national civil society and political actors since Talon\u2019s first election in 2016. In six years, a combination of institutional and legal reforms has checkered the country\u2019s balance of power, with the election of a unicolor National Assembly, the suppression of dissident voices, and unprecedented shrinking of basic workers\u2019 rights.<\/p>\n
At the regional level, though, Talon\u2019s comments haven\u2019t triggered much of an outcry. They hardly stand out in a West African neighbourhood that is undergoing a profound crisis of democracy. As the world celebrates International Day of Democracy, this 15 September, stakeholders in the region have much to reflect upon.<\/p>\n
The return of military coups in Mali (August 2020 and May 2021), Guinea (September 2021) and Burkina Faso (January 2022) is but the top of the iceberg. Many of these coups received, at least initially, significant levels of popular support in capital cities and beyond, reflecting citizen\u2019s disenchantment with the fa\u00e7ade democratic systems that have failed to deliver better governance or public goods.<\/p>\n
In Mali, three decades of ineffective governance since the 1991, and the ousting of Moussa Traore\u2019s military regime, have equated democracy with poor government performance and elite state capture in the eyes of many. Unreliable electoral processes have made matters worse by undermining citizens\u2019 trust in elections as an accountability mechanism, while reinforcing the sense that a democratic fool\u2019s game is holding the people hostage to a corrupt few.<\/p>\n
After the 2020 coup, which followed yet another electoral crisis, the international community\u2019s insistence on speedy elections, above all else, reflected a failure to appreciate the disillusion of Malians with empty-shell elections and contributed to stirring them further away from democratic preference. In May this year, an opinion survey conducted in urban centres across the country found that only 3% of respondents wanted the transitional authorities to prioritise elections. Variations based on respondents\u2019 geographic locations or levels of education were nominal, but the gap, with dominant opinion among Mali\u2019s Western partners, is abyssal.<\/p>\n
In Guinea, former President Alpha Conde\u2019s constitutional tweaking to remain in power for a third term provided the platform for the September 2021 military takeover. A similar move by Cote d\u2019Ivoire\u2019s Alassane Ouattara was more successful, as he managed to secure a third term. Despite domestic outcries, neither attempt was challenged by the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS). The organisation\u2019s protocols for democracy and good governance condemn unconstitutional changes of government, such as military coups, but not constitutional manipulations by incumbents willing to overstay in power. This apparent double-standard weakens ECOWAS\u2019 moral high-ground when it comes to enforcing democratic norms and values in the region.<\/p>\n
In 2015, one year after former President of Burkina Faso, Blaise Compare was forced out of office, following the attempt to change the constitution to further extend his 27-year rule, the regional bloc considered formally restricting presidential terms across its member states. But Togo and Gambia, both led by multi-mandate heads of state at that time, vetoed the reform.<\/p>\n
The banalisation of the third \u2013 or more \u2013 presidential terms is symptomatic of executive aggrandisement, another trait of democratic backsliding. Two of West Africa\u2019s democratic flagship countries could be next: Benin and Senegal.<\/p>\n
Consistent with his recent statements, Benin\u2019s President Talon has embarked on a meticulous crusade to unravel the country\u2019s democratic space, using terrorism-related charges to imprison political opponents, placing loyals at the head of key institutions, and erecting political barriers to stop opposition parties from running for office. This resulted in the election of a mono-color National Assembly in 2021, which he could easily manipulate to grab a third term in 2026.<\/p>\n
Senegal, the other beacon of democracy in the region and the only West African state that has never experienced a military coup since independence, could also be on the hook. In 2012, Macky Sall became president by beating in the polls a predecessor who tried to seek a third mandate. Yet, he doesn\u2019t exclude trying his luck for the same goal in 2024. The recent election of a majority opposition parliament makes such an attempt more difficult, but not impossible.<\/p>\n
Across the region, confiscation of the political space by the executive branch of governments is compounded by shrinking freedoms of speech and of the press. Military transitions in Mali and Guinea have both asserted firm grips on public narratives over the countries\u2019 political and security situations, using public and social media, and arresting individuals with dissonant voices. Foreign involvement in state-sponsored disinformation campaigns and the outright banishment of critical media houses further raise the alarm.<\/p>\n
Concerns over slimming the civic space and democratic fragility exist, even in countries under civilian rule. Some have described Niger as a new beacon of democratic stability in the region after the country\u2019s first peaceful transfer of power from one elected president to the other in April 2021. But it was a close call, as the country escaped a coup attempt on the eve of President Bazoum\u2019s inauguration, and human rights defenders continue to voice concerns over the shrinking freedom of assembly in the country.<\/p>\n
As earlier ISS research showed, ruling elites have also used financial and political barriers to monopolise the polls. Electoral legislation that requires aspirants to present expensive deposits or gather endorsements from ruling party members have become common place, either in Benin, Burkina Faso, Guinea, Niger, or Senegal. Under the guise of consolidating the overcrowded landscape of political parties, they effectively foster a culture of exclusion and consolidate ruling party hegemony.<\/p>\n
West Africa\u2019s crisis of democracy doesn\u2019t stand in a vacuum, though. It is part of a global trend and mirrors the competition between Western promoted liberal democracy on the one hand, and autocratic models of governance that display some level of economic performance on the other hand. In this regard, President Talon\u2019s open stance for authoritarianism as a \u201cnecessary sacrifice\u201d for economic development resonates with a popular argument that takes China, Russia, Turkey or Rwanda as examples to follow.<\/p>\n
Restoring the faith of West Africans in democracy will take more than the procedural practice of umpteenth elections and outraged condemnations from liberal countries. To win back opinions, democracy must deliver. Responsive governance must follow formal elections and produce tangible improvements in people\u2019s lives.<\/p>\n
Fundamental evolutions in political cultures are necessary to restore inclusion and participation as cardinal values. These evolutions must translate in more productive economic dividends and improved access to basic social services for the people. Only by effectively delivering more quality government will democracy overcome the narrative that depicts it as impotent or a luxury that only rich countries can afford.<\/p>\n
Regional organisations can help by displaying consistency in their support for democratic norms and values. This requires taking as firm stances against constitutional manipulations as against military takeovers.<\/p>\n
International promoters of liberal democracies should also refrain from blanket assumptions of \u2018coups contagions\u2019 that minimise the specify of national circumstances. The tools rulers use to erode democracy might be circulating across the region, but the root causes why it works are invariably grounded in unique national contexts.<\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"
On this year\u2019s International Day of Democracy, 15 September, there isn\u2019t much to celebrate in a region where coups are just the top of the iceberg.<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":12963,"featured_media":17461,"comment_status":"open","ping_status":"open","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"footnotes":""},"categories":[2,16,15],"tags":[7,26,25],"class_list":{"0":"post-17464","1":"post","2":"type-post","3":"status-publish","4":"format-standard","5":"has-post-thumbnail","7":"category-featured","8":"category-news","9":"category-politics","10":"tag-apie-project","11":"tag-news","12":"tag-politics"},"yoast_head":"\n