The continent\u2019s universities started changing from the middle of the 1990s. Strong governance structures were prioritised. Governments promised to help steady institutions so they could focus on their academic missions. They also handed over the financial reins, supposedly allowing universities more freedom to generate new income streams.<\/p>\n
But studies funded by the Carnegie Corporation of New York and conducted by the Council for the Development of Social Sciences in Africa (CODESRIA) suggest that not much has changed. The governance and leadership of universities in several countries remains troubled. The same tensions and crises associated with the old political order, student disturbances, harassment of academic staff and widespread academic corruption, persist. Research suggests there hasn\u2019t been much more than cosmetic autonomy at most African universities.<\/p>\n
Political interests rule<\/p>\n
There are some deeply worrying trends. First, Africa\u2019s politicians still see universities as critical outposts for building political clients. They have a deep interest in who becomes a university vice-chancellor. They want to manage who ascends the academic ranks and who serves in student leadership. They also try to assess which academics can be conscripted to offer positive political commentary in the popular media. On the surface, universities\u2019 governance organs appear free to make decisions about academic and leadership appointments. Data however suggests that opaque networks rather than merit determine such appointments at all levels.<\/p>\n
Further than this, universities have money to spend on procuring goods and services. This attracts business people. Studies show that politicians encourage university leaders to employ service providers from their own networks. These practices have turned some vice-chancellors\u2019 offices into bureaucracies that are more interested in business than in academic advancement.
\nVice-chancellors also appear to have become more autocratic. This is in reaction to the internal dissent caused by the political meddling described above. Staff and students are routinely subjected to unfair disciplinary processes. Vice-chancellors apply the lessons they learn from becoming bureaucrats to manage academic appointments. Some extend favours to certain internal \u2018clients\u2019 by appointing them to lucrative administrative positions or promoting them without merit. Such positions are highly sought after because they pay better than most teaching posts.<\/p>\n
Investigation also reveals that many African universities rely on younger academics to occupy senior teaching, research and administrative posts. They do not have the courage or experience to confront a university management gone astray.<\/p>\n
Finally, and crucially, African universities lack data. There is little information collated about governance and leadership. This includes such basic statistics as student enrolments and staff numbers. Minutes related to critical governance and management issues, including those involving budgetary processes which remain classified. They can\u2019t be scrutinised by the public let alone by staff and students at the university.<\/p>\n
So what\u2019s gone wrong?<\/p>\n
Part of the problem stems from how \u2018politics\u2019 was conceptualised and defined as a problem in university governance. If a country\u2019s president was also a public university\u2019s chancellor, this was seen as political interference. Logically, then, people thought that cutting such visible political links would settle governance issues.<\/p>\n
But political interests run far beyond the presidency. Most of Africa\u2019s political and economic elites retain a keen interest in determining how universities\u2019 leadership is constituted. More and more student activities at universities are being organised along political party lines, which attests to new forms of politicisation.
\nAs earlier explained, universities make good business sense for the elite. These people create networks that extend into universities\u2019 governance structures. Political interference persists and sets institutions up as little more than business outposts.<\/p>\n
There was also an assumption that academics once freed from narrowly defined political interference would meaningfully and responsibly utilise their new autonomy. The hope was that they\u2019d emerge as protectors and promoters of the greater public good in higher education. This hasn\u2019t been the case.
\nCODESRIA\u2019s research found that many senior academics have embraced post-1990s reforms only if these offer a stream of extra income. Most academics, it was found out, prefer administrative to academic appointments because these are more lucrative. This has left most institutions without an experienced professoriate. A senior layer of academics is a critical body for any institution. It can stand up against management\u2019s excesses and act as a vanguard for the institution\u2019s academic mission.
\nHere the continent\u2019s older institutions, like the universities of Ibadan, Nsukka, Legon, Nairobi, Makerere and Dar es Salaam, have fared better than newcomers. Older universities tend to have a greater number of highly trained academics still in their service. Institutions that were established during the 1980s, 1990s and more recently haven\u2019t been able to build a robust professoriate. These younger institutions tend to be battling most with governance and management issues, as well as the attendant erosion of academic reputations.<\/p>\n
Tackling the problem<\/p>\n
There are several ways to start making universities\u2019 autonomy from politics more than cosmetic.
\nUniversity managers must be required by law to open up their systems to broad public scrutiny. For example, they should conduct some aspects of their affairs through public hearings. Most countries\u2019 constitutional provisions already insist on public participation around budgetary and policy issues. Parliamentary committees undertake their work in public, but most African universities seem reluctant to embrace such aspects of accountability.
\nThis sort of transparency would tackle claims of bias in academic appointments and financial improprieties that are emerging as the \u2018new face\u2019 of corruption in most universities. Imagine if prospective vice-chancellors and senior professors were interviewed publicly? Ordinary citizens could also be called on to make suggestions about a public university\u2019s development and direction. These institutions are, after all, funded from the public purse.<\/p>\n
Another area that needs attention is data governance: the collection, storage and dissemination of data for decision-making. Research has found that most African universities are strangely casual about data. There\u2019s no accurate record of admissions; so, no plans are made about building infrastructure to keep up with student numbers.<\/p>\n
This comes at a time when the use of open data is being encouraged as a benchmark for university quality. Studies have pointed out how open data can open opportunities for improving higher education\u2019s governance and provide evidence that improves policy.<\/p>\n
Africa is lagging behind, no doubt. Universities claim, for instance, that they\u2019re producing graduates ready for the job market, but one couldn\u2019t find a single credible graduate tracer study or labour market survey to back such claims. Better data- governance-structures would lessen the chances of backroom deals and political interference in the running of Africa\u2019s universities.<\/p>\n
The governance and leadership of universities in several countries remains troubled. Crises associated with the old political order \u2013 harrasment of academics, widespread academic corruption persist.<\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"
Political interference in Africa\u2019s universities is not new. Universities\u2019 governance was seen as \u2018captured\u2019 for narrow political rather than academic ends during the 1980s and 1990s. Politics shaped everything: patterns of student access, curriculum content and teaching methods. Vice-chancellors\u2019 political affiliations mattered far more than their academic standing or vision.<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":12963,"featured_media":17959,"comment_status":"open","ping_status":"open","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"footnotes":""},"categories":[16,15],"tags":[7,26,25],"class_list":{"0":"post-17962","1":"post","2":"type-post","3":"status-publish","4":"format-standard","5":"has-post-thumbnail","7":"category-news","8":"category-politics","9":"tag-apie-project","10":"tag-news","11":"tag-politics"},"yoast_head":"\n